Al-Maliki Acceptable, Say Kurds, Sunni Arabs
The Financial Times reports on the reaction of the Kurdish and Sunni Arab blocs to the selection of Jawad al-Maliki, 56, as the candidate for prime minister of the United Iraqi Alliance:
‘ “We have no objection to Jawad al-Maliki,” said Iyad al-Samarrai, of the Sunni-led Iraqi Islamic party. “Although there is not much difference [from Mr Jaafari] from the ideological point of view, we have a feeling he is more practical, more willing to solve problems. We don’t want to complicate the process [further]. It’s better to move on.’’ Independent Kurdish politician Mahmoud Osman said: “We don’t object as the Kurdistan coalition?.?.?.?We hope he will succeed. It’s about time to move forward.’’
Al-Zaman [The Times of Baghdad] reports that there was an internal agreement within the United Iraqi Alliance (Shiite religious parties) among the seven major parties to put forward Jawad al-Maliki of the Islamic Dawa Party as the candidate for prime minister. Jawad al-Maliki is the nom de guerre of Nuri Kamil al-`Ali.
Actually, only 6 of the 7 major constituent parties accepted al-Maliki. The seventh, the Virtue Party (Fadhila), insists on putting forward its own candidate for prime minister, Nadim al-Jabiri of Basra. Al-Jabiri is likely to lose badly.
Informed sources in Baghdad told al-Zaman that the decision was taken quickly in an atmosphere of American pressure, as part of a deal among Abdul Aziz al-Hakim (head of the UIA), Jalal Talabani of the Kurdistan Alliance and Tariq al-Hashimi of the Iraqi Islamic Party.
Among their goals was to deny a prominent role in the new government to Iyad Allawi (ex-Baathist leader of the Iraqi National List) and Salih Mutlak (Sunni ex-Baathist and leader of the National Dialogue Council). Al-Zaman’s sources worried that by forming a government that excludes the ex-Baathist secular parties, the top leaders have set the stage for further sectarian violence. (A lot of the violence in Iraq is actually committed by Baathists, neo-Baathists, and ex-Baathist nationalists, to whom Allawi and Mutlak were best positioned to reach out, in this way of thinking).
The source said that after a week of discussions in the Shiite UIA, the delegates reached an agreement easily on Friday with virtually no dissent. The source said that the Kurdistan Alliance had greenlighted any choice of the UIA aside from Jaafari.
Hasan al-Sunaid, MP-Dawa, said that discussions had taken place among the two branches of the Dawa Party and the Sadr Bloc, which led to a consensus on al-Maliki. They only agreed to withdraw Jaafari’s name after the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq agreed not to put forward again its candidate, Adil Abdul Mahdi. Mr. Abdul Mahdi is likely to remain vice president, a relatively powerless and unimportant post.
The candidate for president will be Jalal Talabani. The candidate for speaker of the house will be Mahmud al-Mashadani from the Iraqi Accord Front (fundamentalist Sunni Arab).
Al-Maliki is the number two man in the Dawa Party. Born in Babil Province, he fled Iraq for Iran in 1980 when Saddam Hussein made it a capital crime to belong to the revolutionary Shiite Dawa Party, which was working for an Islamic state. He later left Tehran for Damascus, where he was in Dawa’s political office. The Iraqi Dawa was engaged in anti-Western attacks in Lebanon during the 1980s, and helped form the Lebanese Hizbullah in 1984. It is not clear if al-Maliki had been involved in any of those activities.
Al-Maliki came back to Iraq after the fall of Saddam in 2003. Since then he has filled a number of posts, including chair of the Iraqi parliament’s national security committee. He has also been the spokesman for the United Iraqi Alliance. He led the effort to pass legislation against terrorism in the parliament. He also served as vice chair of the Debaathification Board constituted by US civil administrator Paul Bremer.
Jaafari withdrew his own candidacy in a brief statement broadcast on Iraqi state televion shortly after midnight early Friday morning. He pledged to work for the Iraqi people in some other capacity.
Hamed al-Hmoud, writing in al-Hayat, warns that al-Maliki has to work harder than Jaafari did to curb the Iraqi militias. The Dawa Party has only a small paramilitary, but its parliamentary ally, the Sadr Bloc, maintains a large and militant Mahdi Army.
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More from the Open Source Center on al-Maliki, from 2005. Note especially the long interview in al-Adalah for Feb. 2, 2005.
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Iraq: Candidate Outlines Strong Points of Iraqi Unified Coalition
Iraq Election; Article by Kawthar Abd-al-Amir: “Iraqi Unified Coalition Strength Lies in its Integrity and Concern for Interests of Iraqi People”
AL-ADALAH
Wednesday, February 2, 2005 T15:42:48Z
Journal Code: 9089 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: FBIS Translated Text
Word Count: 1,196A glimpse into the life of the deputy speaker of the National Assembly: Nuri Kamil Muhammad Hasan Abu-al-Mahasin, alias Jawad al-Maliki, assumed during his years in opposition, joined the Islamic Al-Da’wah Party in the late 1960’s. He is currently the official spokesman of the political bureau of the Islamic Al-Da’wah Party. He holds a Bachelor of Arts from Usul al-Din (the tenets of religion) College in Baghdad and a master’s degree in Arabic literature and is currently working toward a doctorate.
(Abd-al-Amir) Apart for the fact that the Iraqi Unified Coalition electoral list contains well-known figures, what is the secret of its strength?
(Al-Maliki) I believe it is not just the secret of strength that makes this list the backbone of the upcoming elections. The forces and figures behind the list are not unknown. They have not been involved in criminal acts committed by the agencies of the former regime. Rather, they were political forces who held out in opposition and entered bloody and violent battles against the dictatorial regime. Indeed, they were one of the main symbols of opposition to the former regime.
At the forefront of these forces is the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, the Islamic Al-Da’wah Party, Al-Sadr Trend, and other forces and figures who made their presence felt.
It should be recalled that some of the electoral lists contain elements that were possibly part of the machinery of the old regime, i.e. Ba’thists who are subject to the de-Ba’thification law, intelligence agents or those who got involved in the Iraqi Intelligence Service immediately before the collapse of the regime, or elements accused of misusing public funds.
This makes our list with its honest elements the kind of list that may be deemed capable of securing the aspirations of the Iraqi people in terms of welfare, integrity, concern for public funds, and the interests of the Iraqi people.
On the other hand, most people know that the ideas expressed on election platforms are merely pie in the sky. In fact, it is not a big deal to come up with something that cherishes people’s dreams. What really matters is to publicize an election platform in keeping with the political history of this or that entity.
Again, one of the factors which gave our list a boost is the adoption of the same manifesto that was advocated while in opposition to the former regime, thus giving us credibility and trust among the electorate. We are using the same language that we used while in opposition. It is this consistency, history, and conformity that lend credence to the list, not the chanting of slogans.
Like other entities, we could have claimed that we would eradicate unemployment or that we would abolish corruption. I would ask those who currently hold a post in the government where corruption is running rampant: “Why do you want to tackle the problem later? Indeed, why not tackle it now?” We know that the electorate is concerned about these slogans. They know that once the candidates come to power these slogans will be forgotten.
One other strong point is the fact that this list has received the endorsement of the religious authority. The religious authority is not a lay figure, since he keeps track of the political situation. Thus, when he throws his weight behind a specific list, it implies that he finds that list trustworthy, competent, and capable of realizing the aims and aspirations of the people.
(Abd-al-Amir) What gives you hope for the next elections? What is your level of anticipation for success?
(Al-Maliki) What gives us hope is our integrity, our history of struggle, the Iraqi people’s affection and kindness toward us, and the ordeal they have suffered, and the hope that one day honest people, to whom they can entrust the lives of their families and children, take the leadership. Also, the Islamic identity of the Iraqi people, which we believe will be best preserved under our leadership, is another assurance. As for our success, we believe that it will be great, since the Iraqi people endorse this list. Each of the figures on the list has wide support among the Iraqi people. Finally, as I mentioned earlier, this list enjoys a rich history, the endorsement of religious authority and the tribes, and the support of those who are eager for justice under the public identity, which is the Islamic identity of the Iraqi people.
(Abd-al-Amir) The Iraqi Unified Coalition is seeking election on a platform of federalism. What do you mean by federalism? Is it ethnic, sectarian, or administrative?
(Al-Maliki) This is a matter for the elected National Assembly. However, generally speaking, we believe that administrative federalism has been successful in most countries and that its implementation in Iraq will provide answers to many obstinate historical problems. Also, it will be an opportunity to emancipate citizens from the draconian centralization that crushed them under dictatorial regimes, as power sharing means the involvement of people in the administration of the country. Finally, federalism will preserve the unity of the country. Therefore, we believe that administrative federalism in contrast with ethnic or sectarian federalism is the safest option.
(Abd-al-Amir) What is the level of relations with the multinational forces?
(Al-Maliki) The presence of the multinational forces in Iraq is in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 1546 (2004), which governs their presence, restricts their responsibilities, sets a timetable for their departure from Iraq, and grants the elected Iraqi Government the right to request the departure of these forces when it finds their presence of no significance. That is to say, the next Iraqi Government, according to the law, has the right to demand the departure of the multinational forces on the condition that it provides adequate military and security capabilities to protect the Iraqi people from foreign terrorist attacks.
(Abd-al-Amir) Do you encourage foreign investment?
(Al-Maliki) Yes, we do. Foreign investment will support the economy of Iraq. However, we flatly reject investments which undermine the national sovereignty of the country or its security, or influence the country’s political developments, such as investment in the oil sector, airports, and so on, on the grounds that we do not wish to pledge the future of Iraq to political or security quarters disguised as foreign investors.
These are generally the most important principles. In addition, we would like to create relationships with regional countries based on good-neighborly policies and cooperation so as to secure peace, commercial and economic exchange, and the provision of services to the Iraqis such as travel, scholarship, commerce, etc. We are working to promote academic and educational aspects as the main engines of development and fight the practices of the old regime, such as the falsification of academic achievements and its blatant disregard for education, which gave rise to the decline in education, which is regarded as the main impetus in western universities.
(Description of Source: Baghdad Al-Adalah in Arabic — Daily issued by the Justice House of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq)
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‘ Iraqi Shiite, Kurdish Lists Hold Ongoing Talks on Key Ministries, Kirkuk
Unattributed report: “Kurdistan coalition wants to determine the issues point by point; Dr Al-Ja’fari’s advisor: We will sign a working paper with the Kurds”
KURDISTANI NUWE
Wednesday, March 9, 2005 T12:51:37Z
Journal Code: 8289 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: FBIS Translated Text
Word Count: 503Talks between the Kurdistan Coalition List and the United Iraqi Alliance for forming a new government are still ongoing. Many key issues have been discussed so far. A further meeting to the effect is expected to be held today.
Member of the alliance Sami Askari has told the Kurdistani Nuwe: The two lists have agreed on many issues so far. However, other articles are still to be negotiated with the view to determining them prior to the first session of the assembly on 16 March.
He added: The two sides are in agreement about the issue of Kirkuk and that it should be determined in accordance with the State Administration Law. And regarding the peshmerga forces, he indicated that the alliance believed that the number of peshmergas was to many, and that the new Iraq did not need a big army. Therefore, it is better to reduce the number of peshmergas, to employ part of them in the governmental institutions, to amalgamate another part with civil establishments and for another part to be retired.
Regarding the sharing out of the ministries, Sami Askari said: We have not went into details. Nevertheless, the Kurdish list demands two key ministries. And so we at the Alliance List believe that based on the assumption that there were six key ministries, it would be logical for the Kurds to hold two of them. However, if they were only five ministries, then, it is not possible for the Kurdistan Coalition to have two key ministries.
In another development, Dr Ibrahim al-Ja’fari’s advisor Jawad Talib al-Maliki told the Kurdistani Nuwe: We and the Kurds and are in negotiations regarding several key ministries such as the defence, foreign and oil, the talks are still ongoing.
He expressed his pleasure at the agreement on the settling of the issue of Kirkuk’s internally displaced people, and that the alliance list would try to ensure their speedy return to the city in the transitional phase. He added: We will sign a working paper with the Kurds so as to work on it continually in the transitional phase.
Regarding the issue of peshmergas and Kirkuk, he said: Talks in this regard will be postponed until the drafting of the permanent constitution and until a referendum is held in the country.
However, a well-informed source in the Kurdistan Coalition List said: The Kurds want to discuss the issues point by point, and to be agreed upon later on, particularly the issue of Kirkuk and the peshmerga. But the alliance wants to sign an agreement on the whole issue at once.
The source also explained that the issue of Kirkuk was not discussed at the meeting on the day before yesterday, and that this was postponed to today’s meeting between the two sides, he said: They are in agreement on the points, in principal; and that the Kirkuk question might be determined today.
(Description of Source: Al-Sulaymaniyah Kurdistani Nuwe in Sorani Kurdish — daily newspaper published by Iraqi Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)) ‘
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Iraqi Politician Stresses Need To Purge Security Services of ‘Hateful Elements’
Report by Fawzi Shekhani from Baghdad, exclusive to Al-Ta’akhi: ‘Jawad al-Maliki: ‘Hateful elements have penetrated the security services and we must purge them’
AL-TA’AKHI
Friday, April 15, 2005 T08:55:58Z
Journal Code: 9091 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: FBIS Translated Text
Word Count: 267United Iraqi Alliance (subhead)
With regard to the security services, member of the United Iraqi Alliance list, Dr Jawad al-Maliki stressed that it is necessary for the multi-national force to understand the reality of the security situation in Iraq. For there are provocations with serious dimensions and repercussions, as we think. Certain divisions were formed blindly and haphazardly. They were penetrated by the former regime’s services and we want a review of the matter. Also, there is a state of dissatisfaction, for it is an unbearable situation.
When I explained the picture to the US Secretary of Defense, he started to understand that the need to review and reassess the situation has become a hotter matter in Iraq. The issue will not grow so life threatening because the security services are linked to people’s lives and what is needed is clean security services (as he put it) because the government possesses a legislative resolve. He added that the security theory in Iraq fails to understand the reality of the state of affairs. They do not understand the magnitude of the suffering from the friendship of the current bets. Some people drew upon the legislative backgrounds of a section mentioned in the Resolution 1546 issued by the United Nations.
Before a crowd of journalists, Wednesday, he reaffirmed: ‘We believe that the security services have been penetrated by hateful elements that do not want the welfare of Iraq and we have to purge them from these elements resolutely and severely.
(Description of Source: Baghdad Al-Ta’akhi in Arabic — daily newspaper published by Iraqi Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP))
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Report: Political Blocs ‘Trade Accusations’ Over Constitution Drafting Delay
Iraqi Constitution: Report by Fa’iz Jawad and Khalid Talib in Baghdad, Mursi Abu-Tawq in Washington, and Khalid Al-U’aysir in London: “Political Blocs Trade Accusations; European Fears From Extremist Radical Iraq; Tough Week To Break Ice of Constitutional Differences”
BAGHDAD AL-ZAMAN
Friday, August 19, 2005 T16:33:53Z. . . Dr Jawad Al-Maliki, member of parliament for the Unified Iraqi Coalition and member of the Constitution Drafting committee, affirmed that the issue of religion and the state has not been resolved. He said yesterday: “If we meet with good intentions to reach a solution to the two basic concepts; namely, the unity of Iraq and its territories, and Islam and the relationship between religion and the state, then we can conclude our work in a week.”
On the way to solve some of the unresolved issues, especially the concept of a federation, Al-Maliki said: “What is important is to finalize our work. The draft must not necessarily be 100% acceptable to all parties,” adding, “What matters is for the majority to approve of it.” He went on to say: “In any event, the Iraqi people will ultimately decide through the general referendum the fate of the draft constitution.”
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Al-Arabiyah TV Talk Show Discusses Iraqi Violence, Calls for Troop Withdrawal
“From Iraq” talk show, moderated by Elie Nakuzi — recorded
AL-ARABIYAH TELEVISION
Tuesday, June 28, 2005 T18:11:22Z
Journal Code: 9153 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: FBIS Report
Word Count: 2,644Dubai Al-Arabiyah Television in Arabic at 1910 GMT on 27 June carries a new 50-minute edition of its weekly program “From Iraq,” moderated by Elie Nakuzi. Guests of the program are Dr Layth Kubbah, spokesman for the Iraqi Government, via satellite from London; Jawad al-Maliki, member of the Iraqi National Assembly and a leading member of the Shiite Al-Da’wah Party, and Dr Muhammad Bashar al-Faydi, official in charge of foreign relations at the Association of Muslim Scholars (AMS), via satellite from Baghdad; and Brigadier General Muhammad al-Askari, Iraqi expert in strategic affairs, in the Dubai studio. The current violence in Iraq and the calls made for scheduling the withdrawal of the multinational forces from Iraq are the main topics of discussion.
Nakuzi begins by asking Kubbah about the purpose of Iraqi Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Ja’fari’s visit to Washington and talks with President Bush. He says Al-Ja’fari’s traveled to Kuwait, Brussels, and Washington to explain what is taking place in Iraq and talk about “the real progress made after the elections” as well as Sunni participation in the political process, the security situation, and the need to improve public services in Iraq and expand the labor market.
Asked if he agrees with some US analysts that the security situation in Iraq will need seven to 13 years to stabilize, he says: “I believe that Iraq can restore its security within a short period of time if its people unanimously agree to rebuild Iraq.”
The moderator then asks Muhammad Bashar al-Faydi about Sunni demands and the methods that can be used to persuade fighters in Iraq to lay down their arms. He says: “Let us first ask about the reasons which prompted the Iraqi people to carry arms against the occupation forces. Every observer knows that resistance in Iraq began on 30 April. On that day there was no Governing Council, no sectarian or ethnic quota system, and no political, sectarian, or ethnic crisis. There was only occupation and the resistance came in response to that occupation. This means we will not be able to stop resistance as long as occupation continues.” Continuing, he says: “I am really surprised by the deterrent policy pursued by the former and present governments, thinking that this policy will succeed. If the deterrent methods used by the United States, the superpower, could not stem this resistance, why do the Iraqi governments insist on pursuing the same methods? Had the current government or prime minister taken the initiative to ask the Americans or President Bush to schedule their withdrawal, he would have solved half of the problem. Frankly speaking, his step was frustrating because the Iraqis believe that keeping the occupation forces means keeping problems.”
Asked if Sunni participation in the next elections will “limit the resistance operations” in Iraq, Al-Faydi says: “We believe that the Sunnis will largely participate in the next elections not out of conviction in the political process but because they were frustrated by the behavior of the state organs, which regrettably were sectarian in many areas. This made them feel that they were treated unjustly in their absence from the elections and they must be present to restore balance. They will do so not out of belief in the next elections. Therefore, I want to say that even if the Sunnis largely participate in the next elections, the Iraqi problem will not be solved and resistance and problems will continue.”
Turning to Jawad al-Maliki, the moderator asks if resistance can stop before the end of occupation. He says: “When talking about the Sunni brothers I mean the broad segment representing them. I do not hold the Sunni brothers responsible for the actions of the outlawed armed and terrorist groups. I am talking about the Sunnis who participate with us in the government and in writing the constitution and who announce their support for the political process. When we called on the others to participate in the political process, we did not mean that the process would be complete with their participation in the elections. The political process has only started and it will not end except with the completion of the process of writing and approving the constitution by the people and then holding constitutional elections. When we reach the day when elections are held on the basis of the permanent constitution, which will be written with the participation of the Sunni brothers, we can talk about the political process which will end the occupation as we have earlier said. At the end of the remaining period of time, that is, at the end of the constitutional process and elections and the advent of a new government, we will come face to face with the pressing need of telling the occupation and foreign forces that the process is over. We have reached the shore of safety we sought to reach and there must be withdrawal.”
The program then airs a three-minute report by Ahmad al-Salih on the security situation in Iraq. He cites Iraqi security reports as saying that armed operations have dropped by 80 percent in Iraq although there is escalation in areas known as the Sunni triangle. The Iraqi interior minister is then shown saying: “The Iraqis are extending support to us day and night. We receive information from all Iraqi factions and political entities about the terrorists and their headquarters. All this shows that we count on the people, who stand by our side and fight with us. We will triumph, God willing.”
The moderator then asks Muhammad al-Askari if he agrees with the saying that “resistance” will end only with the end of occupation, and if more operations are expected after Al-Ja’fari’s statement that scheduling withdrawal will not be discussed at present. He says: “All the Iraqis and not only Mr Al-Faydi reject occupation. All Iraqis, including the prime minister, the president, and all parties and citizens, reject occupation.” Continuing, he says: “Is Iraq now prepared for the departure of the multinational, occupation, or US forces? Iraq is not ready for this.” Asked if this will lead to a civil war, he says: “Yes, certainly. The US forces are now a guarantee against this. During the present elected government’s term, we began to feel that there are defense and interior ministries as Iraqi units began to go out to the street. There was no real army, no real police force, and no real duties in the past. This government has now started to activate them.” He adds: “We do not advocate the stay of the US forces, but the de facto situation says that in order to preserve the unity of Iraq and avoid a civil war, we should not call for the departure of the US forces now because we are still not ready to protect the borders and the Iraqi citizens. More than 150,000 foreign soldiers are now in Iraq and more than 145,000 Iraqi policemen and soldiers are also present. Nevertheless, there are operations, car bombs, and mass killings in all Iraqi cities. How can we then ask the foreign forces to leave at this difficult time? What is gladdening in this regard is that in spite of the difficult security situation and what the Iraqi people and government are exposed to, there is success in the political process. We have held elections, there is a committee in charge of drafting the constitution, and a government has been elected. Had the political process been suspended or affected by the security situation, we would have said that what Shaykh Al-Faydi said was true. But the continued success of the political process in this remarkable manner and under such difficult circumstances will be a credit for the National Assembly and Iraqi Government.”
Asked if “the dialogue taking place today between the US forces and armed resistance” can lead to a solution to the security situation in Iraq, Kubbah says: “I salute all those who want these foreign forces to leave Iraq as soon as possible, but I do not want others to use the departure of these forces as a pretext to build armed militias or criminal networks. The present elected National Assembly and the assembly which will be elected at the end of the year, God willing, can make a decision. Its decision will be a sovereign one and can get these forces out of Iraq. There is something called a peaceful, political, and legal resistance. There are also some who insist on carrying arms on the pretext of resistance. We in Iraq today have a mechanism capable of getting these forces out. The National Assembly will be responsible for what happens in the country after these forces’ departure. If Dr Al-Faydi is a member of this Assembly, he will participate in this parliament and call on all the other brothers to join the political process.”
Commenting on Kubbah’s remarks, Al-Faydi says: “Do the Americans wait for a permission from the National Assembly to withdraw? This is illogical. We saw on television how the US soldiers offended the Assembly members in a humiliating manner. The issue is that there is a force in control of the country and it does not wait for a National Assembly decision about it as deemed fit.” He then calls for the foreign forces’ withdrawal within a reasonable period of time, during which the Iraqi forces can be prepared to replace them.
Continuing, he says: “The day the US forces announce they will withdraw I can stop the resistance and tell it: Enough, the US forces will withdraw and there is no reason to use weapons. But I cannot do this now. If I ask them now in the form of a fatwa (religious ruling), invitation, or appeal to stop fighting, they will tell me that the Americans are still in the country killing people, destroying houses, and violating sanctities.” He adds: “If withdrawal is scheduled, we will be able to address all the Iraqi people and tell them: Stop bloodshed and fighting because the US forces have started to withdraw. The one who continues to fight will then distinguish himself as a terrorist rather than a resistance member. This will make all the Iraqis join hands in fighting him.”
Commenting on this, Kubbah says: “Are the thousands of the Iraqis killed these days killed at the hands of the US soldiers? Are these car bombs not detonated by networks operating within our circles?” Responding, Al-Faydi says: “I, too, ask if it was patriotic to kill thousands in Al-Fallujah at the hands of the Americans and National Guard forces, and others in Operation Spear in Al-Qa’im, and others in Operation Lightning. I hope that we will be fair so that we can reach a solution. We should not view things from one angle.”
Asked if withdrawal can be linked to the completion of the building of the Iraqi military institution, Al-Faydi disagrees and says: “Resistance will not stop as long as occupation continues.” He adds: “When the occupation forces schedule their departure and begin to withdraw, there will be no reason for resistance.”
On the way to end the current “security chaos,” Al-Askari says: “The solution lies in two ways. The first is the continuation of the use of force. Force is necessary because there are terrorist groups and organized gangs and the Iraqi Government is duty bound to protect the citizens. Continuing to use an iron fist against these elements to cleanse the Iraqi cities from them is necessary but on condition that this is accompanied by strong work in the political field and by dialogue. Today we heard about dialogue with five factions in Balad north of Baghdad as admitted by Rumsfeld.” Asked what this dialogue might lead to, he says: “Yes, some wonder if they can stop these operations. If they succeed in controlling them by 10 or 20 percent, this will be an accomplishment for the Iraqi people and government. In this case, we will involve five factions in the political process, the Iraqi Government, and National Assembly. It will then be easy to draw a dividing line between resistance and terrorism.” Continuing, he says: “Had the government not embarked on Operation Lightning and other operations, which were carried out on a high level at the rate of 90 operations a day, some would have appeared on television and said the government was weak and could not protect the citizens and therefore it must resign.”
Asked if force can restrain what is happening today, he says “force will certainly be one of the solutions” and adds that forcing the “terrorists” to leave Baghdad will make it easy for the government to control them in the other cities.
On whether he agrees with the “theory of force and dialogue” and if the government will take more stringent measures in the Iraqi cities, Kubbah says: “The force used by the Iraqi Government is primarily directed against the takfiri (radical Muslim trend accusing other Muslims of being infidels) and indiscriminate killing networks. The Iraqi Government said that all channels are open for dialogue with the ones who are resisting occupation through armed or political means. In the presence of an elected government and political mechanisms, they can achieve their aims through the political channel. As for the other groups which carried out indiscriminate and reckless killing of the people, only the language of force can be used against them.”
The moderator then asks if he is satisfied with the level of Sunni participation in the political life and if an Iraqi constitution will be approved on time, Jawad al-Maliki says: “The remnants of the Ba’th Party want to return to power. This party is the one manipulating the ignorant takfiri elements. It is the one behind the killings. These are political demands that have no end and they are not related to occupation. They are today negotiating with occupation so that they can return to power. Accordingly, Shaykh Al-Faydi and others must know that they might be victims of the criminal Ba’th Party plans to return to power rather than see an end to occupation. Ending the occupation was only a banner it raised because such a banner appeals to the Iraqi people. The Iraqis, just like any other people, want their country to be free of any multinational forces. As for the issue of writing the constitution, yes I am satisfied. The Sunni Arab brothers’ response was good. The names they presented for participation in the constitutional committee were acceptable except for a few who lacked the qualifications required in persons nominated for National Assembly membership.”
Commenting on what the others said, Al-Faydi says: “First of all I would like to say that the AMS is so enlightened, God willing, that it will not fall victim of anyone. Second, I disagree with the two brothers. The force the government is using through its Lightning, Spear, Dagger, and other operations will only exacerbate the crisis and inflame the resistance for two reasons. The first is that most of the people targeted by these operations are innocent people who have nothing to do with terrorism or resistance. The second is that the Iraqi people are now viewing the government policy as a sectarian policy. I wish it is not so, but we have scores of incidents pointing in this direction. I have a list of 35 mosque imams and preachers who were arrested and killed in one month although only 80 were arrested during the occupation. This means the government arrested in one month half of the number of imams arrested by the Americans.”
(Description of Source: Dubai Al-Arabiyah Television in Arabic — independent television station financed by Arab businessmen )
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Iraq Constitution-Drafting Committee Member Interviewed on Ongoing Deliberations
Al-Arabiyah Television
Friday, August 26, 2005 T15:50:34Z
Journal Code: 9153 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: FBIS Report
Word Count: 432Dubai AL-Arabiyah Television, in Arabic, at 1410 GMT on 26 August carries a 5-minute live telephone interview with Jawad al-Maliki, member of the Iraqi Constitution-Drafting Committee, in Baghdad; by anchor May al-Shirbini.
Asked about the suggestions proposed by Shiite sides to the Arab Sunnis and Kurds, Al-Maliki says: “There are some basic issues that we cannot make concessions on, and issues which can be subject to discussion. We, in the coalition, have offered much and responded to many demands out of our keenness to ensure that everyone takes part in approving the constitution. However, there are basic issues which we believe constitute ways to arrive at the new Iraq, including the federalism and the position on the Ba’th party.”
He adds: “The issue of federalism should receive guarantees that it would not be obstructed by additional measures or constraints in the future. With regard to the issue of the Ba’th, our stand is clear and the National Assembly adopted a unanimous decision to consider the Ba’th Party a banned terrorist organization. Therefore, the decision should continue to ban this terrorist organization from political work and pursue its symbols who committed crimes against the Iraqi people.”
Al-Maliki goes on to say: “I believe we have reached the limit and cannot give more because it does not harm our personal interests, but the future interests of Iraq and the Iraqis.”
Asked about the points which he believes will end the disagreement, Al-Maliki says: “We agreed on a formula which we presented to the brothers on the issue of federalism that guarantees the possibility of forming federalisms in the future through a demand from one third of the governorate’s residents or a third of the governorate council members and under the consent of the majority of the National Assembly.”
Asked if the Sunni rejection of the concessions made regarding the federalism could lead to a political crisis, Al-Maliki says: “From the legal aspect, the draft constitution has been presented.” He adds: “If the brothers agree to it, we would have all agreed on voting for this constitution. If however the issue becomes a series of concessions which target the basis of the draft constitution as we heard those who belong to the former regime rejecting the constitution in part and parcel, then we will not stop at the demands of those who are speaking in the name of the Ba’th and its crimes.”
(Description of Source: Dubai Al-Arabiyah Television in Arabic — independent television station financed by Arab businessmen )
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Iraqi Official Reacts to Al-Qa’ida Threats Against Iraqi Military Personnel
Al-Arabiyah Television
Monday, November 7, 2005 T21:05:05Z
Journal Code: 9153 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: FBIS Report
Word Count: 337Dubai Al-Arabiyah Television in Arabic at 1822 GMT on 7 November carries a live telephone interview with Jawad al-Maliki, chairman of the Iraqi National Assembly’s Security and Defense Committee, in Baghdad, by anchorman Talib Kan’an in the Dubai studios.
When asked whether the Iraqi National Assembly’s Security and Defense Committee takes seriously a statement issued by the Al-Qa’ida Organization in which it warned that it would shake the lands of the two rivers (Iraq) and demolish the houses of all Iraqi policemen, Al-Maliki says: “Yes, we do. We think that these people have never failed to attack civilians and the houses of military personnel and civilians throughout the country.” He adds: “This is their policy and their code of ethics, which we have known throughout their march in Iraq. Yes, they are making threats. Nonetheless, they will not be able to carry out their threats. This is because these strikes (the ongoing anti-insurgent attacks in western Iraq) have shown that they have been pained. This is what prompted them to make these threats. God willing, whenever an area, a city, or the dwellers of a certain city or village seek the help of our troops to save them from terrorists, our troops will head to the area in question and strike with iron fist regardless of such pronouncements, utterances, and threats, which will bring the terrorists no benefit.”
When asked whether this statement by the Al-Qa’ida Organization was an indirect response to recent statements by Iraqi Defense Minister Sa’dun al-Dulaymi, Al-Maliki says: “Definitely, the minister did not mean to say that he will seek to kill children or women who provide terrorists with a safe haven.” Al-Maliki adds: “We seek to save the sons, children, and women of Iraq from terrorists. How then could we target them? The hostile media took advantage of these remarks.”
(Description of Source: Dubai Al-Arabiyah Television in Arabic — independent television station financed by Arab businessmen )
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Baghdad Sat TV Reports Protests To Election ‘Fraud,’ Al-Tawafuq’s Call for Rerun
Iraq — OSC Report
Sunday, December 25, 2005 T15:14:58Z
Journal Code: 9241 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: OSC Report
Word Count: 806Baghdad Satellite Channel has been observed on 24 December to dedicate the first 20 minutes of its main newscast at 1800 GMT to rallies and demonstrations held in Baghdad and other parts of Iraq to protest the “fraudulent” initial results of the Iraqi elections. The channel highlights a call by the Sunni bloc, the Iraqi Al-Tawafuq (Accord) Front, for a rerun of the elections.
The station begins its newscast with a video clip showing Adnan al-Dulaymi, leader of the Iraqi Al-Tawafuq Front, addressing a rally in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, saying: “They wanted through the announcement of these false resultsto say that we are a minority in this country.”
Reporting on these demonstrations and rallies, the station’s correspondent says: “Iraq yesterday witnessed a demonstration with the participation of one million people in protest against the partial results of the Iraqi elections which were announced earlier by the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI). This demonstration came in response to a call by the Iraqi Al-Tawafuq Front, which brings together the Iraqi Islamic Party, the Conference of the People of Iraq, and the National Dialogue Council. In Baghdad, the demonstrators who assembled in Al-Yarmuk area, raised banners critical of the election fraud and demanded the replacement of the IECI and a rerun of the elections. Adnan al-Dulaymi and Tariq al-Hashimi, two prominent members of the Iraqi Al-Tawafuq Front, reiterated in speeches before the protestors their rejection of these results.”
“We reject a political process that some wanted to be tailor-made to accommodate their own desires. We reject a political process based on fraud, rigging, and lies. We reject a political process when the rival serves as the judge,” says Tariq al-Hashimi, secretary general of the Iraqi Islamic Party.
The station’s correspondent also reports that some 10,000 citizens demonstrated in Samarra in northern Baghdad, carrying banners “denouncing sectarianism and discrimination among the one people.” He adds that “thousands of demonstrators marched from Al-Khudr mosque in Mosul heading toward the governorates premises in the city center, demanding a rerun of the elections.”
Reporting on a similar demonstration in Tikrit, he says that “thousands demonstrated in Tikrit, condemning the IECI and calling for the dismissal of its members.”
The station’s correspondent then notes that “the political blocs running in the elections were displeased with the results, challenging them as fraudulent and casting doubts on the fairness and integrity of the IECI.”
“We did not mean by setting up this bloc to launch an opposition bloc. The elections are truly fraudulent, as evidenced in all the documents and proofs we have provided. The next parliament will be illegitimate and illegal. Yes, there was rigging. One entity won the largest number of votes. We will not act as oppositionists because we reject the whole process in part and parcel,” says Ibrahim al-Janabi, one of the candidates of the National Iraqi List during a news conference.
Commenting, the station’s correspondent says that “observers have reported acts of political pressures, bribing IECI members who were offered sums of money and promised government posts if they endorse the results.” She adds: “The representatives of 35 political Sunni, Shiite, and secular entities agreed to set up a joint operation room to ask the interim government and the international community to rescind the election results and hold new elections under the supervision of a national and independent commission.”
The station then cites the US advisor for the IECI as belittling the complaints. Commenting on the retirement of Dr Farid Ayar, IECI member, the station’s correspondent wonders whether his retirement at this particular time is intended to avoid “the question mark.” “His request for retirement coincided with complaints of rigging, bribes, and pressures on the IECI to take a biased and dishonest stance,” she adds.
The sta tion’s reports are followed by an interview with Dr Usamah al-Tikriti, member of the Iraqi Al-Tawafuq Front, in which he says that the current atmosphere is “very tense” and welcomes President Talabani’s “serious effort” to bring the different adversaries together.
“However, we were very astonished at the stance of some politicians whom we thought were thoughtful and wise enough to avoid fanning tension and augmenting congestion in the Iraqi arena. Mr Jawad al-Maliki’s statements, which represent the Unified Iraqi Coalition (UIC), were very surprising and added to the current tension,” Al-Tikriti says.
He adds that “if the UIC is confident of its position in the political process, why should it fear the rerun of the elections and barricade itself behind fraudulent results?”
Al-Tikriti calls upon Al-Maliki to help “prevent the augmentation of this tension,” adding that “this requires wisdom and insightfulness on the UIC part before judging that this is the irreversible will of the people.”==========
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